The Patriotic Vanguard

Natasha wows crowd at Miss Africa USA Pageant

2010-07-30T03:40:59Z

By Our Correspondent.

Sierra Leone's beauty queen, Swadu Natasha Beckley was adjudged the first runner-up at the Miss Africa USA pageant 2010 in front of a sold out crowd at the Montgomery College Vikings Center, Maryland, USA on Saturday July 24, 2010

The first round the day before, saw each contestant present their humanitarian platforms before a crowd of African diplomats at the Vikings Center Maryland USA on Friday July 23rd, 2010, combining beauty, brains and their passion to do good. This stage of the competitive required the contestants to showcase some of the humanitarian work they have been doing. It was amazing to see the good intentions of all the queens and their hopes for the improvement of the quality of life for women and children throughout Africa. Swadu, founder and CEO of the “Sisters Supporting Sisters,” organization stunned the diplomats with her presentation on the issue of maternal mortality in Sierra Leone and her organization's plan to address the issue.

The dazzling finale commenced in style on Saturday July 24th, at 7:30 p.m. in Montgomery College, Silver Spring, Maryland USA, with the 32 contestants taking the stage in their costumed white jacket and trouser suits with black top hats. The crowd went wild when the 32 contestants appeared on stage and at that point one can safely say that any of the 32 African queens truly deserved to win the coveted crown.

The looks were dazzling and graceful and Sierra Leone was proudly represented by four queens, Mamiesa Kabia , Nessie Abdulai , Natasha Beckley, and Marietou Cole. After each contestant introduced themselves and their platform, they participated in a fashion show depicting the traditional African girl look. It was time to cut the number of contestants that would go into the second round of 15.

The announcement made by the organizers stunned the crowd. Two of Sierra Leone's best, Natasha Beckley and Marietou Cole were left out. The judges later on realized that a mistake had been made and therefore paused for over 20 minutes while reviewing the scores. A mistake had truly been made; two deserving contestants had been left out while two who should not have made it to the second round were in. A decision had to be made; go ahead with the already announced names; drop the two girls who did not qualify but had been announced or include Marietou and Natasha who deserved to be there. The organizers apologetically chose the latter course of action making the second round a round of 17 contestants instead of 15. This they said they did it to maintain the integrity of the pageant and the judges.

Coming back from a devastating administrative blunder, Natasha bounced with renewed vigor and determination to knock the talent show out of the ball-park with a beautiful poem that wowed the crowd with her humility, looks and poetic brilliance. Without a shadow of a doubt it proved a proud and emotional moment not just for her but for everyone in the theatre, as the audience rose to its feet, giving her a standing ovation.

The finale of an intriguing contest then followed very tense moments as the crowd waited for the final five contestants to be announced. Gabon, Ghana, Nigeria, Guinea and Sierra Leone represented by Swadu Natasha Beckley made it to the top 5.

Then it was time to select the winner: Nigeria was knocked out in 5th place; Gabon in 4th place; Ghana in 3rd place and Sierra Leone in second place with the crown going to Miss Guinea.

Those present could not control their emotions and amazement for the professional comeback made by Natasha. This is Natasha's first international pageant and has really made Sierra Leone proud. As 1st runner up, Natasha is the 1st African Princess; winner of the Diplomats Award and also winner of the Best Promoter award, including an array of gifts, presents and some cash. Natasha says she owes her performance at this finale to God, her family; her church family at the United Wesleyan Church, Alexandria, Virginia and the many little girls in Sierra Leone and Africa in general and to the members of the “Natasha FC” soccer club in Freetown. The 22 year old poet (with over 300 poems in her name) and a senior majoring in foreign studies at the University of Virginia's college at Wise is current Miss Sierra Leone in Washington DC, 2009 and reigning Miss University of Virginia, Wise, 2009.

About her future plans, Swadu had this to say: “I believe that I have found my calling. As a young SALONE tity I intend to publish my first book of original poems entitled “Beauty, Brains, and Good Lyrics; complete my bachelors in foreign studies, then pursue a Masters in Public Health. I believe that I have what it takes to make a difference in the lives of my sisters in Sierra Leone.” Natasha Beckley is a woman that has dedicated herself to improving the lives of Sierra Leonean women. “I have pride in my culture, and a strong belief in the capacity of the Sierra Leonean woman”.

The sad end of Lord Bongo Johnson

2010-07-29T00:02:04Z

Commentary

By Edward Tedson Sesay, London, UK.

Sierra Leoneans at home and abroad are deeply shocked and saddened by the news of the deaths of Godfrey Manley-Spaine, also known as Lord Bongo Johnson and his partner Claudia. Even more shocking is the manner in which the lives of the couple ended.

Gone is Lord Bongo but his memories will linger on in the minds of many Sierra Leoneans whose lives he touched in a very special way with his great sharp humour

HUMOUR THERAPY: WHAT BONGO AND THE PROFESSIONALS REPRESENTED

In the early 80's, Sierra Leone's economic and social problems started biting sharply. The political ineptitude led to greed and gross mismanagement of resources leading further to untold economic hardship and suffering of the masses: unchecked soaring prices of basic food items, lack of medicines and medical facilities, education becoming a luxury, failing electricity supplies, and poor roads, to name a few.

The Professionals, the group that Lord Bongo belonged to ran a commentary on social events and the ills infecting our country at the time. In a country enveloped in great suffering and stress, a large supply of humour will do a lot of good.

While many never took any notice of the true worth of Lord Bongo and his group to the nation of Sierra Leone, it is worth telling here what their real value was. With their sharp wit and snappy humorous remarks, they demonstrated the ability to make a hungry, very stressed, sick Sierra Leone forget their empty stomachs and troubles ( at least for a while ) and erupt with laughter whenever their programmes were played on the then SLBS Radio.

Research at the University of Maryland suggests that a good sense of humour and the ability to laugh at stressful situations helps to mitigate the damaging physical effects of distressing emotions. Similar research has shown that laughing can help in lowering blood pressure, reducing stress, increasing muscle flexion and triggering the release of endorphins, the body's natural pain killers.

The book of Proverbs 17:22 states that “a cheerful heart does good like medicine but a broken heart makes one sick.” The 16th. century Martin Luther used a form of humour as part of his pastoral counselling of depressed people. He advised them not to isolate themselves but to surround themselves with friends who could joke and make them laugh.

Is this not what Lord Bongo and his group were doing for the nation of Sierra Leone at a time when the cost of a cup of rice was reaching the sky and the whole nation blanketed in darkness as a result of failing electricity supplies? Indeed, Bongo and his group helped the nation to believe that, though hungry and troubled, “life must go on, and that life should be enjoyed and not endured.” THE AMERICAN DREAM

This is explained as an idea which suggests that people can succeed through hard work, and that all people have the potential to live happy, successful lives. I am tempted to believe that despite his massive talent and the great effort he made, Lord Bongo might not have realised the true worth of his talent or potential. Thus the move to the U.S. where he hoped to live the American Dream which Sierra Leone could not offer him.

AMERICAN NIGHTMARE INSTEAD

For many who leave home, the American Dream is hardly realised and the American Nightmare is experienced instead. Despite the betterment in earnings, a lifestyle of good food and access to good health care, many still have to grapple daily with a multitude of serious and never ending emotional troubles. On many occasions, these troubles are linked with relationship difficulties leading to couples living under the same roof but travelling different directions in many respects.

In the West, the mutual respect, patience, trust, true love that normally characterise our relationships back home take flight. Couples live together giving the outside world a picture of all being well while in fact they may be engaged in the fiercest of battles. Francois Duc De La Rochefoucauld, a French author and moralist, is believed to have said that, “marriage is the only war in which you sleep with the enemy.” Is this not true of our brother and sister, Bongo and his partner? If only relationships can start and end beautifully, our world would be better. The reality on many occasions however is that, many relationships become like a book of which the first chapter is written by an angel, and the remaining chapters by the devil. Bongo and his partner must have been a loving couple initially.

THE LESSONS FROM LORD BONGO'S TRAGEDY

Our home governments should do more by way of encouraging and promoting local talents thereby making it possible for them to enjoy the American Dream in their countries without having to travel to the West. It is highly likely that were things “fine” for Lord Bongo in Sierra Leone, he may never have dreamt of migrating to the West where relationships become easily ruined by strange cultures.

While there really is no formal requirement or training to become a comedian, I personally believe that training is valuable in any career. Acting and public speaking training can be very helpful. Drama and Acting Schools should be established or at least such departments added to our universities and colleges. This will lift comedy/acting from being just a mere trade to an honourable profession that will make its members proud.

Those who have the means should act as promoters or agents of our local crop of talents to make it possible for them to improve their lots in their home countries without having to pursue the American Dream in an alien country. There are currently many talented groups in Sierra Leone: the Kono Dancers, Stars Combined ( comedians/ musicians of Bulgur fame ) the group at the Freetown-Lungi Ferry Crossing to name a few. There is no doubt that these groups are “strugglers” and it will hardly surprise anyone if any of these make use of any available opportunities to penetrate the West.

CONCLUSION

While we cannot be the judges in the Lord Bongo relationship saga that ended in tragedy, we can only pray that God grant pardon to the couple and to guide, protect and provide for the children they have left behind. May God also make our marital homes, either in Sierra Leone or abroad, battle- free.

Photo: The late Lord Bongo Johnson, left, and fellow comedian Dandogo.

Proposed inquest: Lessons from Uganda

2010-07-28T23:04:25Z

Opinion

By Messeh Kamara, London, UK.

When events occur I like to wait and see what information comes to light before jumping in with 'it's this' or 'it's that'. What appears to be one thing at the start can become something quite different a few months or years later. I have read many articles and heard stories and explanations about the government's proposed Commission of Inquiry into the execution of 29 citizens of Sierra Leone in 1992. And I have long seen and heard more than enough to shake my head at claims that Sierra Leone is indeed faced with the dilemmas of Truth, Justice and Security.

Since I heard the news about the proposed Commission of Inquiry, I had wanted to add my own little voice, but writing on such a sensitive issue was a real conundrum. I didn't want to re-open my mind to reflect on the impact of the war on Sierra Leone. I was continually floating between fear and doubt, asking: can I say something or shut my mouth? I also wondered: Should I do it in the voice of the little ones (the children and youth), myself at aged 10, thrown into the pit of hell for a conflict I did not know about or contribute to? Further, I thought would the government and the people of Sierra Leone pay heed to my young voice and also would my fellow survivors and victims of the war understand if I write something, or would my modern friends understand what had hit me if I sounded like a wounded-lion?

My recent visit to Uganda made me think about the potential magnitude of what is unfolding in Sierra Leone, and its implications for peace and the next generation. Indeed, I've been very deeply distressed in my visit to Uganda; it reminded me so much of what happened to us in Serra Leone. Recalling that the people of Uganda had, in the post-colonial era, witnessed a number of conflicts , and being one of the first countries to set up ‘Truth Commission' in human history , under considerable international pressure, in 1974 by Idi Amin to investigate human rights violations perpetrated during the 1971-1973 period. Over the years, Uganda has been seeking the path to reconciliation, peace, justice and exploring alternatives to development. Sadly, the recent terrorist attack and bombing in the capital -Kampala on the night of July 11 2010, that claimed the lives of over 75 persons is a serious setback for peace. Coincidently, these attacks took place the very day- I arrived in Kampala from London...very heartbreaking experience indeed!

Given my experience in Uganda, now I feel obliged to share my thoughts on this very sensitive issue of Truth, Justice and Security in Sierra Leone. The issues I want to raise are: reflections on our sad chapter of the conflict, the advent of the Commission of Inquiry and its implications for our consolidated peace process; the contradictions between Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and the Commission of Inquiry in the midst of truth, justice and security, while looking at individual differences.

The sad chapter of the war

I noted that in our struggle to end the war, the greatest victims and supporters were young people. We almost instinctively had to be on the side of the disenfranchised, of the voiceless ones, fighting injustice, oppression and evil, and engaged in sustained students' demonstrations at the expense of our lives and properties. I have continued to feel strongly about the sacrifices of young people.

And, as a survivor and someone who greatly contributed to post conflict reconciliation efforts, whenever I think about the conflict in Sierra Leone, my heart aches, and questions linger in my heart: I say why our memories are so short? Have we forgotten our humiliation? Have we forgotten the collective punishment, the killings and maiming, in our own history so soon? Have we turned our backs on the opportunity TRC presented, in our search for lasting peace and reconciliation? Have we forgotten about our pledge to keep the peace and save ‘succeeding generations from the scourge of conflicts' (as per the preamble of the United Nations)?

Truth, Reconciliation and Peace

Countries emerging from periods of widespread human rights violations can choose from a number of different judicial and non-judicial methods designed to help them to come to terms with their recent past. Truth commissions represent one such method that is non-judicial and restorative, rather than judicial and retributive, in nature. The primary goals of truth commissions are to help post-conflict societies reach the truth about past human rights abuses and to achieve reconciliation. All efforts to post conflict societies after a violent conflict are difficult and will inevitably be met with criticisms and face a number of dilemmas - about how to do justice to the people who have suffered, how to punish the perpetrators, and how to prevent the violence from erupting again. The TRC was established as a condition of the ‘Lomé Peace Accord', and it was signed by President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah and RUF leader Foday Sankoh, with the assistance of the international community on July 7, 1999. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission's mandate was to create an impartial historical record of violations and abuses of human rights and international humanitarian law related to the armed conflict in Sierra Leone, from the beginning of the Conflict in 1991 to the signing of the Lome Peace Agreement; to address impunity, to respond to the needs of the victims, to promote healing and reconciliation and to prevent a repetition of the violations and abuses suffered during 11 years civil war. Naturally, one would expect that Sierra Leoneans; especially those seriously affected by the war, had the opportunity of airing out our views. However, I noted that, some did not participate in the TRC process, and if this was the case, then regrettably so, it was an error to note. But, reconciliation itself is full of contradictions and paradoxes. It is a process that has to take many complex and sometimes conflicting concepts into consideration – like truth, justice, security, forgiveness and apologies.

Reconciliation looks at the past, and at the same time tries to bring hope for the future, and in the case of Sierra Leone, it had to do this in the middle of a very difficult presence. Different people have different ideas about how to get to reconciliation – some believe that justice is most important, but others stress truth. To complicate matters further, there was the question of different groups generated by the war: The perpetrators, the victims and survivors, the bystanders that did nothing, and the people who tried to help. These groups all have different expectations of reconciliation and different needs and concerns for the past, present and the future. And as my old friend put it thus: ‘'Well, we know there are many points of view (the number is numberless)... there is no forcing consensus. But, we must not forget — that reconciliation and forgiveness are not easy to embrace...and there is no formula for what heals the human heart and soul''

Justice, Fear and Security

In all societies marked by violent conflict, ideas and expectations about fear, justice and security have to be weighed against each other, and this is also relevant for Sierra Leone, as we entreat the proposed Commission of Inquiry. If there was limited enthusiasm for the TRC it may in part be a result of fears that people have about delving into the past and a sense of pessimism about politics in general. In relation to security, people were clearly concerned that the TRC might re-ignite issues from the conflict by causing more damage than good, creating greater tension, or start people fighting again. However, the most widely expressed concern was that it would be a waste of money and threat to security in the midst of the Special Court for Sierra Leone.

Let's look at an example of a contradiction generated by Special Court for Sierra Leon: The law that guides the Special Court deals with crimes against humanity and prosecute those who bear the greatest responsibility. This could also include crimes committed by the Government forces and RUF/Juntas, but in practise the Special Court Act says that the ‘Court is only for crimes committed at a particular period'. That way, the worst crimes committed outside that time frame were excluded. For some, the Special Court is “state' justice” – only crimes committed by RUF/Juntas and Civil Defence Forces are dealt with by the Court so far. If this feeling is widespread, it means that the Commission of Inquiry would not lead to reconciliation, but will increase the survivors' feelings of alienation, which in turn will jeopardise the country's security and post conflict reconciliation efforts even more. It is unlikely that the praxis of the Commission of Inquiry will contribute to justice, although that is a possibility that would increase reconciliation. Another aspect that needs to be considered about justice is the issue of compensation. It is still a big problem that the proposed reparation by the TRC is still not paid to the victims and survivors, and that modality needs to be put in place as soon as possible. When it does, reparation to victims and survivors who suffered most could be a powerful instrument to show that this is not state's justice.

In the case of the proposed Commission of Inquiry, the contradiction, between truth and security, can be exemplified by the survivors of those executed. Because of the pain caused by the killings, the survivors will not necessarily feel that the truth will help them. Some people will fear that the ‘Commission' would only instigate feelings of insecurity and despondence among the survivors as a consequence of participating in the Commission as old memories will be revived in anticipation of public hearings and admissions. The issue of truth, justice and security can also be analysed individually – whose truth, whose justice, and security for whom are we talking about? What is considered truth and just by one group and what makes them feel secure may make another group in society feel insecure and their ideas about truth and justice repressed.

The whole idea about truth leading to reconciliation can be doubted. The same can be said about justice. The problems with emphasising truth and justice are much deeper than the practical problems faced by the Special Court for Sierra Leone and the TRC. For many others, some form of justice is an absolutely necessary part of reconciliation. But there are many forms of justice - the main differentiation being between restorative and criminal justice. Criminal justice is what is being promoted by the Special Court for Sierra Leone. The ‘Gacaca Courts' in Rwanda had components of both criminal and restorative justice. In restorative justice, the focus is not so much on punishment, but on restoring the relationship between the parties to a conflict. The case of Rwanda is especially intriguing because so many people were affected, either as victims or perpetrators. It is impossible to handle all the killers within the ordinary legal system, so Rwanda has tried to introduce a modern version of the traditional Gacaca trials which involved the whole community. However, it is expedient to note that, the ‘Gacaca Court' proceedings had to face a number of fierce criticisms, which I do not intend to contemplate on in my submission.

Common sense suggests that, the more public knowledge there is about such serious crimes as human rights violations, the more likely they are to be brought to justice. But a comparison of two of the most significant attempts to grapple with past state crimes – in Chile and Argentina – suggests that sometimes truth can stand in the way of justice. After the collapse of the Argentine military dictatorship in 1982, the incoming democratic government carried out high-level trials for human rights violations. ‘'Nunca Más'' (Never again) was the phrase of the moment as the world watched a modest prosecutor successfully lead the case against the top leaders of the Argentine military regime. Several years later, in 1990, a transition to democracy in neighbouring Chile failed to produce a similar result. Instead of high-level trials, there was negotiation and compromise between the military and democratic leaders. And instead of the military leadership in prison, Pinochet continued in power as head of the armed forces and later as senator-for-life. This outcome – trials at the end of the military dictatorship in Argentina but not in Chile – is puzzling because the depth and breadth of the publicly available information the time of the transition about the human rights violations committed by the state was greater in Chile than in Argentina. Chile had more truth but less justice.

The proposed Sierra Leone Commission of Inquiry

While others may seem very excited to usher the government's commitment to create a Commission of Inquiry, and may conceivably represent a post conflict reconciliation efforts, however, it has the overwhelming feature of belatedness. Despite the authority and structures with which the ‘Commission' seeks to operate in seeking the truth about the executions, we would only be told very little that we did not already know from other human rights reporting in the past. Whatever the Commission's ability to investigate the executions, this is will not be so much new as consolidated information.

The belatedness of the ‘Commission' is all the more dismaying in light of the tendentious and yet to be badly argued conclusion to be offered by the Commission of Inquiry. Attempting to finesse the controversial issue of the executions by arguing that there is insufficient evidence about the executions in the TRC report, the Commission will find itself caught in various forms of egregious logical self-contradiction. This was also the case of the TRC, which had been accused of the deliberate omissions of relevant evidence and reports, and did not pursue important lines testimonies-particularly of widely reported mass executions. Thus, it must be re-emphasised that it matters not whether we say that the TRC findings were oversight of the ‘executions' or is rather, as many would argue an effort to promote reconciliation as a means of consolidating peace. The work that has gone into the TRC report has been exhaustive and it is important to recognise that it builds on the input and expertise provided by the many parties and people of Sierra Leone who have been involved in shaping its contents, including civil societies, children, youth, disabled, victims, survivors, indeed women and men from all background. I, myself, helped to mobilise children from across Sierra Leone and worked together with the Government and UNICEF to facilitate the participation of children in the work of the TRC. I also helped in the production of a Child Friendly Version of the TRC Report, so that children would be able to read and understand the report, and others outside Sierra Leone might better comprehend what the children of Sierra Leone experienced during the war.

Another reason for caution is that maybe telling their story to the Commission of Inquiry is not what the survivors want most. It is often said in connection with mass atrocities that what the victims and survivors want most of all is to know the truth, and in western thinking, especially in psychology, it is considered healthy to talk about a painful past. But, one should be careful before forcing this truth-telling on everyone. It is possible that some people will prefer to try to forget a painful past because it hurts too much to talk about it. Confessions and truth-telling are part of the Commission of Inquiry, and a problematic issue here is the consequence of the Commission: will it report be considered for implementation, and will this seek justice? For some, telling the truth means that justice will not be carried out, and for some of the survivors, it sounds as if they would rather prefer the TRC than establishing another Commission of Inquiry.

Yet, many people hope the Commission of Injury will bring them the truth about what happened during the executions. Some want to know what happened to their family, and the government want to establish the fact of those who participated in the executions. But, my findings show, that some of the people doubt that the truth will be told, because the people did not see much from their hiding places, and they don't trust that the guilty will be denounced. Fear, mistrust and witness intimidation will make it very unlikely that the Commission of Inquiry will bring the truth about what happened in 1999.

Again, when it comes to choosing between truth or justice, there are many opinions about what is best for the victims and survivors: Some people would argue that a Commission of Inquiry will not give them a chance to tell their story, because everything they say will be questioned, and they have to go through cross-examinations. This leaves the survivors wounded and re-traumatised, hence some people would prefer the TRC, which had already given victims and survivors the chance to tell their story in a much more decent way, which acknowledges their pain.

Some of the people I spoke to consider the Commission of Inquiry to be too ambitious and at any rate, commissions, especially of inquiry, rarely enable reconciliation and justice, particularly when the crimes in question are among the most serious and imaginable. The national political view on the Commission, at the individual level is both positive and negative. The problem already generated by the Commission of Inquiry, is the concern about more practical aspects of inquiry: some feared that the Commission will be biased or inquire inconsistently between people they know and other people. And I find it striking that the main –opposition party (SLPP) feared that the APC led government appointed Commission will not be able to be impartial. Opinions about the Commission of inquiry are many, even though the Commission is yet to be instituted. It is too early to evaluate the outcome of Commission, but my findings contradict the first optimism about seeking the truth. I noted that a ‘wait and see' attitude is widespread, and fear that this will lead to mistrust and frustration.

The Potential Result of the Commission of Inquiry

What is also apparent is that, while in the political circle there is a large degree of agreement on what the aims of the Commission should be, however, there are also some important dichotomies as to what should be the result of getting to the truth. This is most obvious in terms of whether or not the key aim of a commission of inquiry should lead to the punishment of people who had committed criminal offences, and this is unlikely to be the case. If the TRC's report is right that the main reason for the conflict was political in nature, then the Commission of Inquiry and emphasis on truth will not help, no matter if it has the backing of the state. This criticism is being sustained by the Commission, as long as only non-government officials who were involved in the executions are accused and not everyone who participated. If this is to change and other members of the public who felt aggrieved by previous crimes were to influence the establishment of other commissions of inquiry, maybe it would serve to reduce this criticism, but then, this will be another breeding ground for commotion. Another thing that could reduce criticism is, if government commits itself to the implementation of the outcome of the inquiry. Some critics would even argue that the financial support and commitment for such a Commission is taken away resources from traditional development agenda. There is also concern that the Commission of Inquiry report will not be implemented, and some fear that a failure to implement the outcome of the Commission will lead to people seeing the Commission as a hidden political agenda.

While it is correct that a culture of impunity is a root cause of conflict, then the courts have an important role to play, and the Special Court for Sierra Leone can be seen as a better option, although far from perfect, invention to speed up the process of handing down justice to the perpetrators and free the people who are innocent. If the government is serious about ending impunity and bring the whole truth to light, then why not request the UN for a review of the mandate of the Special Court or create an alternative local court to investigate and punish those deemed responsible for the ‘executions' and other hideous crimes, left out by the Special Court?

But whether you see Commission of Inquiry as a good solution for truth seeking and transitional justice depends on what degree one considers judicial and non-judicial process the best solution to counter this culture of impunity. People who prefer the reconciliation variant of transitional justice might consider the Commission of Inquiry, after the TRC too problematic. On the other hand, people who think restorative justice is the best solution might think that the Commission of Inquiry will not do enough towards restoration, and that much more needs to be done in terms of reconciliation, since it is not the fear of punishment, but the realisation that what one did was wrong, that will prevent future violence. Among criminologists, it is believed that punishment seldom work as a deterrent, especially not against violent crime. Punishment by the state does not mean the convicted feel they did something wrong as long as they do not recognise it as a legitimate punishment. For people to change, they need to feel ashamed of what they did.

Individual differences

I also find another paradox when I look at the characteristics of Commission of Inquiry, the contradiction between the level of society and the level of the individual. The two are of course linked – it is difficult to imagine a reconciled society were the individuals are not involved. But what brings peace at the level of society (understood as no return to mass violence, truth telling and official acknowledgement of past wrongs) does not necessarily bring reconciliation between individuals. A national (society) focus on reconciliation that expects people to move forward and not pay too much attention to the past can worsen the relationship between individuals. If the perpetrators confess and ask for forgiveness, which was part of the TRC, then the survivors are from a national level encouraged to grant the forgiveness and move on with their lives. But, because the Commission of Inquiry might give the survivors new knowledge about the past, or open old wounds, this forgiveness and reconciliation can seem further away than ever for the individual.

A sincere apology at the individual level can be a very powerful gesture, as done by the TRC, because an apology acknowledges that something wrong was done, takes responsibility for the wrong without finding excuses, and indicates that the harm will not be repeated. If the offender shows remorse, there is a chance that the victim and survivor would accept the apology and grant forgiveness, but the victim and survivor also have the power to not accept the apology because what was done is considered unforgivable by this victim or survivor, or because the apology or remorse is not considered sincere. Although it does happen that somebody makes an apology on behalf of a group, and that apology is accepted by most members of the other group, I think that apologies and forgiveness are mainly individual. A feeling of forgiveness is not something that can be imposed, and there is no guarantee that remorse and apologies are sincere. In the proposed Commission of Inquiry, for example, if many of the confessions are not making apologies – the perpetrators make excuses for their crimes, did not show any sign of remorse, and talked in an aggressive way which will not be received very well by the public. The survivors or victims, who may have expected some formal acknowledgement of wrong doings and apologies now they had no apologies, will seemed suppressed that apologies were not offered, which in some cases will make them even more traumatised and frustrated by the experience. A seminal case here is the British (Chilcot inquiry into the Iraq War) which invited former Prime Minister Tony Blair to answer to questions for the war in Iraq. At the hearings, some members of the British Public felt that Mr. Blair's confession was an insult to the survivors, as they complained of the lack of remorse on the side of Mr. Blair. Because of the personal nature of remorse, it is impossible to know if the confessions were accompanied with regret.

The frustration could be a result of the survivors own trauma, but it clearly reveals the problems related to expectations of apologies and forgiveness at the level of society. If the perpetrators don't feel any remorse or don't manage to communicate it to the survivors, then the Commission of Inquiry expectations of confessions and truth may turn out to be counter-productive and increase the level of distrust, and this will impedes the country's post conflict reconciliations efforts. If the Commission were to be instituted, I think such Commission of inquiry should take place in a bipartisan democratic setting in order to be successful, but government's way of governing has recently been criticised in the wake of the recent political clashes, and the opposition party accused the present government of despotism and intimidation. It is this government that will be implementing the Commission of Inquiry and has ignored efforts made by both the TRC and the Special Court. This also illustrates how reconciliation, truth, justice and security are political questions that reflect the political reality. At the moment, that reality at the national level makes reconciliation between individuals even more difficult. This contradiction between the individual and society can of course also be the other way around – that the TRC in some parts of the country or in individual cases bring reconciliation, but without any national impact.

Conclusion

I have heard some people say -the government move to launch another Commission of Inquiry would just be termed as a contamination to the already instituted efforts of the TRC. Some people have already accused the Sierra Leone government of mounting nothing more than a political expedition, to disturb peace, to attempt to criminalise some of our politicians, on both sides of the political divide, and destabilise our country. Is this the case? Some even fear, however, that this patently flawed proposal for a Commission of Inquiry will only cause us to roll our eyes in dismay, if not in disgust. After all, any first-year law student at Fourah Bay College could have advised the government that the Commission of Inquiry is a breach of the Lome Peace Accord and undermines the work of the TRC and the Special Court. Some people have expressed concern over the frivolous and uninformed nature of this Commission. But the Commission, if is eventually established to investigate the executions - will in any case be of very little help. The Commission will not bring back the dead, heal the wounded or promise Sierra Leone a better future. Some people had expressed the view that, they do not need Inquiry Commission; some people prefer the TRC, of requesting forgiveness, pay reparation for the past and progress to build a better and more just future I would like to think that the establishment of a Commission of Inquiry following the TRC will be characterised by a high degree of challenges and huge contradictions. This makes it impossible for a government that believe in a culture of impunity to be the main reason for the conflict and have embarked on an attempt to expose every single person that participated in the execution, to use an ordinary Commission of Inquiry. The TRC was intended, among other things, to bring truth, justice and reconciliation; but as I have noted, reconciliation is a complex process with many connotations. Justice and truth are not straightforward concepts but often contradict each other and have to be weighed against present security needs for survivors, perpetrators and bystanders. At the same time, the concepts of justice and truth are in themselves full of contradictions because different groups in society have different perceptions about what constitutes truth and justice for them. We have noted how reconciliation is influenced by the political reality, and how the national focus on reconciliation through Commission of Inquiry does not necessarily lead to truth and reconciliation. This move to launch a Commission of Inquiry, some people predict with certainty, will not help the security and peace, not even achieved the government's agenda for change; it will only intensify the hatred, and hurt healed wounds. People are scared in Sierra Leone, to say wrong is wrong for fear of intimidation or because the political status quo is powerful - very powerful. Well, so what? For goodness sake, Sierra Leone is our nation! We live in a democratic world of the 21st century. Some leaders were very powerful, but today they no longer exist, with all their valour, but in the end they bit the dust. I believe that much of our country's governance has been a racket -a game in which a handful of people are lavishly paid to mislead an exploit poor and disadvantaged people. And if we don't lower the boom on these practices -the racket will just go on.

Those who are powerful have to remember the implications of their action and inaction: what is your treatment of the poor, the hungry, the voiceless, youth, women, children? And on the basis of that, the people pass judgment during elections period. Sierra Leone now needs a future based on the recognition that, as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights puts it: "All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood."

I hope my readers and friends in the political circles, would not judge me wrong, as Desmond Tutu rightly put it thus: "I am not pro- this political party or that. I am pro-justice, pro-freedom. I am anti- injustice, anti-oppression." South Africa had a relatively peaceful transition. If reconciliation could work in South Africa, surely it can be sustained in Sierra Leone.

Editor's note:

The author, Messeh Kamara - born in 1986 in Sierra Leone (now based in London) – is a rising star, and has established himself as one of the country's prominent youth leaders. Messeh (photo) was recently on a mission in Uganda, facilitating the Africa Youth Forum, an integral part of the African Union Heads of States Summit. Email: messeh2027@hotmail.com

Sierra Leone's Changing Political Landscape

2010-07-28T03:40:17Z

Commentary

By Steven Morie Samuels, USA.

The All People's Congress (APC) and the Sierra Leone People's (SLPP) Party, our major political parties in Sierra Leone ought to know that the political landscape of our beloved country is changing fast, and the old techniques of hiring thugs to disrupt voting and rigging elections are becoming gradually unpopular. Also, the illusion of both SLPP and APC political leaders that categorized the country into South-west for SLPP and North-west for APC is equally becoming a thing of the past. The youths that form a large chunk of our voting block are no more interested in this gimmick. But granted this erroneous belief holds true, it would still not provide enough votes for either party to win

The advent of political renaissance in Sierra Leone that saw the South-west vote for Ernest Bai Koroma (Northerner) against Solomon Berewa (Southerner) in 2007 elections was enough to tell political old-scholars like Pa. Banya that the scaring tactic of “regional divide” is no more helpful. The electorates now hold every political party and individual under a clear magnifying glass to determine who to vote for.

We in the Diaspora are also becoming frustrated of Sierra Leone politicians who come to the United States with just one message “My country, Sierra Leone is a hell hole and my President is a monster” all in the name of opposition. Shouldn't we learn from Ghanaians, who use every international stage to tell the world that they are a peace loving country, and that they have a responsible government even when the NDC and NPP politicians are at each other's throat?

The SLPP recent laundry list to the UN Secretary General, blaming President Ernest Bai Koroma's less than three years old government for Sierra Leone's woes that the SLPP itself could not fix in eleven years was an insult to the people of our country. It is high time that our political leaders who found themselves in the opposition whether as an individual or as party become part of the solution and not the problem.

Both the APC and the SLPP now find themselves in a quagmire. The old tricks of handling out SASMAN (hard gin) to our youths and using chiefdom elders to forcefully influence their subjects to vote are also losing momentum. The question now is, what next as 2012 elections approach? Here are my suggestions to the two parties;

All People Congress (APC) – To preserve the rim over SLPP, President Koroma should maintain the momentum especially on energy, roads, agriculture, health, education, good governance and the fight against corruption. It seems that the APC under the leadership of President Koroma has metamorphosed itself into a trusted political party, distancing itself from what critics have called the dark epoch in Sierra Leone's history. Most Sierra Leoneans in the Diaspora are also appreciative of the administration's effort to use every visit as a platform to inform them of the achievements being made at home. But remember, like the SLPP in 2007 elections, the forthcoming 2012 general elections are the APC's to lose.

Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) – Instead of complaining about every civil servant that the APC replaces, the SLPP party needs to come up with a tangible agenda, and to distance itself from the eleven years of Ahmed Tejan Kabbah's unproductive leadership. The party also needs a clear and an achievable manifesto for 2012 general elections, not Ahmed Tejan Kabbah or Solomon Berewa style manifesto that says “bridge to Lungi, food for all, and tar road to Kailahun etc.

Obituary: Reverend Henry Crispin Bernard

2010-07-28T01:49:13Z

Obituary: Reverend Henry Crispin Bernard – Harlem New York.

The Bernard family regrets to announce the death of Rev. Henry Crispin Bernard aged 76. He was until his death Associate Senior Pastor of Saint Mark United Methodist Church in Harlem, New York. He passed away 3pm, on July 26th, at the Columbia Presbyterian Hospital in Manhattan.

He's survived by his children: Daphne, Stella, Donald, Doreen, Victor, Victoria and Christine. Other relatives include the Frazer and Sawyer families in the United States and Freetown, Sierra Leone. Funeral arrangements will be announced later. He was also a long time community developer and mentor who had helped many Sierra Leoneans in the Tristate area, especially in Bronx, New York.

For further details and information contact:

Doreen Bernard: 240-413-4280 or call 347-688-1351

Bernard Family at home and abroad

Remembrance – Mrs. Joanna May M'Cormack

2010-07-27T22:52:21Z

Remembrance – Mrs. Joanna May M'Cormack

IN LOVING AND AFFECTIONATE MEMORY OF OUR DEAR

JOANNA MAY M'CORMACK

WHO PASSED AWAY ON THE 31ST OF JULY 2009

THE LORD GAVE AND THE LORD HATH TAKEN AWAY

SADLY MISSED BY HER HUSBAND, CHILDREN, GRANDCHILDREN, AND THE ENTIRE FAMILY AT HOME AND ABROAD.

MAY HER SOUL REST IN PEACE.

Chicago: Sudanese leaders learn to strategize

2010-07-27T22:40:54Z

By Zak Koeske, UAO.

Community organizers in Chicago recently met with a delegation of Sudanese government officials to advise the African representatives on employing grassroots organizing tactics to increase constituency engagement within their country.

One of the Chicago organizers, Alie Kabba, said, “We're going to work with them to develop a message and platform for their issues, which really stems out of our experience in framing complex issues for public consumption.”

The Sudanese delegation, five members of the Sudan Peoples' Liberation Movement from South Kordofan in central Sudan, was in Chicago on behalf of Northwestern University's Sudan Good Governance Fellowship Program.

The Fellowship Program, conceived by Northwestern senior William Kalema and funded by Humanity United, brings SPLM officials to the states where they undertake a six-week program aimed at improving their governance skills and effectively implementing the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, a 2005 contract that established a fragile peace between warring Sudanese factions.

Under the peace agreement, the northern-based National Congress Party and the southern-based SPLM agreed to end the brutal 22-year civil war and set a timetable for Southern Sudan to conduct a referendum on its independence. The visiting delegation sought advice from experienced local community organizers on mobilizing constituencies around public policy issues for the upcoming election, slated for January 2011.

Kabba, a native of Sierra Leone whose organization works on issues of civic participation, social justice and empowerment of African immigrant and refugee communities in Illinois, offered strategic organizing principles to the Sudanese leaders.

“In this society, you have to definitely build bridges with other constituencies,” he said. “You cannot just narrow yourself on your specific issue. You always try as much as possible to know what is affecting other communities, have a broader vision and connect your specific agenda to the broader vision. You have to align common interest with self-interest.”

As an example of building constituencies, he offered his organization's recent work to pass a bill in the state legislature protecting African hair braiders. Prior to their lobbying, Kabba explained that hair braiders were treated as cosmetologists and required to spend 1,500 hours on cosmetology training at a cost of up to $10,000 to learn techniques irrelevant to their practice.

“Since we had developed these partnerships we were able to fight the cosmetology lobby strategically,” said Kabba, who mobilized allies from the Latino, Asian-American, Muslim, Jewish and African-American communities. “And guess what? The cosmetology lobby was forced to negotiate with our organization because we had too many people now pushing this agenda.” It had become more than an African issue.

The same organizing strategies could be employed by the Sudanese officials to publicize their own plight at the hands of an unresponsive and corrupt central government, explained Wilmette-based organizer Lali Watt.

Watt suggested the African delegates promote issues like women's rights that would resonate with Americans who otherwise might not be concerned with the complexities of government corruption on another continent.

Gail Schechter, a 25-year veteran of community organizing who coordinated the meeting, was thrilled with the result.

“I think it's abundantly clear today that this was fantastic,” she said. “Alie [Kabba's] talk about coalition building was invaluable. I think that [the Sudanese delegation is] going to learn to really share their message, which is an incredible message.”

Kabba said that he will continue to work with members of the Sudanese delegation to publicize their message in the United States. “They would like to see that there is international protection and the resources to ensure that they can continue to engage their constituents around the issues of a consultation process,” he said.

Photo: Alie Kabba (left), executive director of the United African Organization, moderated the meeting.

Sierratel for sale

2010-07-27T02:48:13Z

Sierra Leone is moving to sell Sierratel, the national carrier, as government officials acknowledge that the company does not have the financial resources to compete with rival telecommunications providers. Sierra Leone's National Commission of Privatization (NCP) Monday called for an Expressions Of Interest for the management of Sierratel, a first step to seeking bids for the company.

NCP said it has "commenced a business reform program of Sierratel with the objective of improving the efficiency, productivity, customer service delivery, capacity building and overall financial and operational performance." The government is seeking a telecom company to take over all areas of business operations and the management of Sierratel, and be responsible for the day-to-day management, operations, maintenance and long-term business planning of the company.

To guarantee fairness in the bid, NCP said the management contract will be awarded through the international competitive bidding process.

The NCP has said that Sierratel is overstaffed and that its financial position is so weak that it went into joint venture partnerships with United Telecom of India and Huawei of China — both through direct negotiations rather than competitive bidding — in order to meet some of its urgent rehabilitation needs.

Just last year, Sierratel introduced its CDMA (Code Division Multiple Access) network and an EVDO (Evolution-Data Optimized) USB modern Internet connection capability. But earlier this month, while responding to a claim that its subscribers are finding it difficult to obtain recharge cards for their phones at various sales points, the managing director of Sierratel, Alpha Sesay, disclosed to the media that the newly revived national carrier is in a financial mess.

Sesay highlighted some of the reasons for why the telco cannot compete with the GSM (Global System for Mobile Communications) operators in the country. He said capital investment in Sierratel is very low. He stressed that the completion of its CDMA project was made possible by a loan from the Chinese government, with US$16.5 million being provided directly to the manufacturer, Huawei, which supplied the equipment and expertise for the installation of the system.

"We cannot compete with the GSM networks that are working on a capital investment of more than US$40 million. They are also using that amount to expand, upkeep and sensitize the public of their operations," Sesay said, adding that the telco could not build beyond its 29 cell sites all over the country due to a lack of capital.

The telephone company suffered huge destruction of its infrastructure during the decadelong civil war that ended in 2002. Its microwave radio transmission equipment and solar power plants installed in the provinces were destroyed. Almost the entire telephone system is outdated, with only a few exchanges and part of the transmission network in Freetown converted to digital technology.

Credit: OMD Norge.

Photo: NCP Chairman Abu Bangura.

Former head of state in trouble

2010-07-26T23:36:48Z

Opinion

By Ibrahim Sourie Mansaray, California.

It was filled with horror when I contemplated a recent photo of former Sierra Leone Head of State, Valentine Esegrabo Strasser, currently "living" in Touba, Senegal.The photo (displayed here) has provoked fresh debate both in the diaspora and in Africa about a former leader who had tried in his own little way to make history but is now languishing in a foregn country, waiting for death.

It is shameful to Africa and particularly to some Sierra Leoneans who had enjoyed tremendously under his regime. Good or bad, Strasser does not deserve what he is going through. Are there not worse leaders than Straaser in the world ? Why is he left to rot? What is happening to humanity?

In the Bible and Quran, it is clearly stated that a price of evil should not be paid back.You don't repay evil as that is not one of the commands of God.Though Strasser's regime was described by some as a mixed blessing for the country, it is yet to be seen when and how God will help this poor soul.

It is unquestionable that Strasser's appearance on the political stage was a master stroke. His flamboyant military attire at the time was immaculate, his accent was soothing and his penchant for statesman-like appearances at occasions was magnificent. But all that seems to have gone into thin air. Who will help Strasser? Will God help Strasser in his present physically moribund status by sending Ernest Koroma to help him? The president can even help Strasser on humanitarian grounds. Where are all his friends?

Ironically, a lot of his friends who had dined with him are presently serving the ruling APC party. But alas, the human dynamics is full of hypocrisy , hate and malice.

It is for this and many reasons that political critics and philosophers have branded politics as a nasty game. Trusted friends are not in politics but permanent interests. Since his shameful return from London and his shabby appearance at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Strasser has been living in a shadow of his former self.

The legacy of Strasser will ever linger in the minds of Sierra Leoneans and the annals of history. His regime heralded unprecedented changes in the history of the country, though shortlived. However, his regime was also tainted with unsavoury executions of famous and selfless Sierra Leoneans whose contributions to national development were unquestionable.

The likes of Bambay Kamara, (former Inspector General of Police), Lt. Col. Yayah Kanu, Salami Coker, to name but a few will ever continue to haunt not only Strasser but all those who took the decision to end the lives of those people. Again , some have argued, it is what goes around in life that comes around.

The predicament of Strasser can be categorised into three phases: the failure of his personal ego to read the signs of his life, the ungrateful attitude of his ex-wife who abandoned him so cruelly when Strasser needed him most and the most painful can be attributed to the disloyal attitude of those he trusted around him.

From all political rhetorics and chess games, Sierra leoneans have failed to respect their past leaders. Look at the Nigerian scenario, all the past military leaders like Abdul Saalami Abubakarr, Ibrahim Babangida, Obasanjo, Muhammad Buhari are still respected despite their reigns being very bloody and nasty.

In 2001, before the death of former president J.S Momoh, the then leader of the RUF ,Foday Sankoh openly chastised Momoh at the Makeni Wusum field where ironically, the former president hailed from. Momoh was scorned and became of a feast for laughter by onlookers. Imagine, a former president whose motorcade in the country was most people's aspiration. For some who saw Momoh is his days in Makeni at the hands of the rebels, he was reduced to wearing different colors of sneakers. What a disgrace to our former leaders! Even when Momoh was eventually residing in Guinea, there were reports that his health was failing and he needed medical attention. No one endeavored to help the late man. Why is politics so bad with us Sierra leoneans?

It would be foolhardy and hypocritical for people to wait to read tributes at Strasser's funeral when they can save him now.This former leader must be taken care of.There are various ways the government can convince the God-fearing Sierra leoneans that Strasser needs help. If some of his pals and disloyal cohorts are enjoying today with impunity whilst the former strongman who laid his life for the country perishes in isolation, then someone needs to forget about politics and save a dying man from being mad.

Today, it's Strasser, who knows who's next?

OKSA Fundraising Extravaganza

2010-07-26T22:37:58Z

By Joseph Sherman, Washington DC.

Saturday July 24, 2010 was a joyous day for members and friends of the Old Kolenten Secondary School Association (OKSA) of the Metropolitan Area. Droves of the school's alumna converged at the Mirage Hall at University Boulevard in Maryland to dance to the ecstasy and melodious tunes of African, reggae and other gems of soul searching music. The Master of Ceremonies was Dr. Sheik Gibreel who kept the program on schedule and gave a synopsis of the history of OKSA.

In his opening remarks, the current Secretary General of OKSA, Mr. Sidie Sheriff extended a hearty welcome to attendees of the fund raising program and asked them to enjoy to the melodious music and sumptuous delicacies that were served during the occasion.

Indeed, the occasion was mesmerizing, heart-warming, fun-filled and dominated by memories of the past. What looked compelling was the meeting of old class mates and school mates recollecting activities of the past.

The current Chairman of OKSA, Mr. Hassan Baraka for his part highlighted the achievements of the organization in helping Kolenten Secondary School. He further intimated about the multi-purpose building OKSA World-wide is about to erect in Kambia which will coincide with the golden jubilee celebration of Kolenten Secondary School in 2011.

OKSA Chairman Hassan Baraka

He called on members and friends of Kolenten to give unflinching support for the realization of the project by 2011. Two OKSA members who came from Australia and England respectively were also recognized during the program.

OKSA Secretary-General Sidie Sheriff

The fundraising program also featured Dandogo, a comedian from the Professionals. His hilarious comedy sent the audience laughing out their guts. The event was immensely enjoyed by all attendees and gracefully ended at 4:00 am.